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Divide and conquer

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</style><div role="note" class="hatnote navigation-not-searchable">For other uses, see <a href="Divide_and_conquer_(disambiguation)" class="mw-disambig" title="Divide and conquer (disambiguation)">Divide and conquer (disambiguation)</a>.</div>

The term divide and conquer in <a href="Politics" title="Politics">politics</a> refers to an entity gaining and maintaining political power by using divisive measures.<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a> This includes the exploitation of existing divisions within a political group by its political opponents, and also the deliberate creation or strengthening of such divisions.<a href="#cite_note-EW-2">[2]</a><a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="Definition">Definition</h2></div>

The concept primarily refers to the practice of creating divisions between opponents to prevent them from uniting against a common foe, allowing the one who divides to gain or maintain political control.<a href="#cite_note-EW-2">[2]</a><a href="#cite_note-AH-4">[4]</a><a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a><a href="#cite_note-6">[6]</a> As a <a href="Maxim_(philosophy)" title="Maxim (philosophy)">maxim</a>, it is commonly recommended to political rulers.<a href="#cite_note-7">[7]</a> A secondary usage of the idea refers to the practice of "dividing one's own forces or personnel so as to deal with different tasks simultaneously."<a href="#cite_note-AH-4">[4]</a> The exact wording of the idiom in English is varied,<a href="#cite_note-8">[8]</a> including divide and rule (mainly in <a href="British_English" title="British English">British English</a> but rarely used),<a href="#cite_note-9">[9]</a> divide and conquer (in <a href="American_English" title="American English">American</a>, the most common variation),<a href="#cite_note-10">[10]</a> divide and govern, and divide so that you may rule.<a href="#cite_note-11">[11]</a>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="Etymology">Etymology</h2></div>

The phrase divide and conquer (from the latin divide et impera) first appeared in English around 1600.<a href="#cite_note-EW-2">[2]</a>

<a href="Edward_Coke" title="Edward Coke">Edward Coke</a> denounces it in Chapter I of the Fourth Part of the <a href="Institutes_of_the_Lawes_of_England" title="Institutes of the Lawes of England">Institutes of the Lawes of England</a>, reporting that when it was demanded by the <a href="House_of_Lords" title="House of Lords">Lords</a> and <a href="House_of_Commons_of_the_United_Kingdom" title="House of Commons of the United Kingdom">Commons</a> what might be a principal motive for them to have good success in <a href="Parliament_of_England" title="Parliament of England">Parliament</a>, it was answered: "Eritis insuperabiles, si fueritis inseparabiles. Explosum est illud diverbium: Divide, & impera, cum radix & vertex imperii in obedientium consensu rata sunt." ("You would be invincible if you were inseparable. This proverb, Divide and rule, has been rejected, since the root and the summit of authority are confirmed by the consent of the subjects.")<a href="#cite_note-12">[12]</a><a href="#cite_note-13">[13]</a>

In a minor variation, <a href="Francis_Bacon" title="Francis Bacon">Sir Francis Bacon</a> wrote the phrase as separa et impera in a letter to <a href="James_VI_and_I" title="James VI and I">James I</a> of 15 February 1615. <a href="James_Madison" title="James Madison">James Madison</a> made this recommendation in a letter to <a href="Thomas_Jefferson" title="Thomas Jefferson">Thomas Jefferson</a> of 24 October 1787,<a href="#cite_note-14">[14]</a> which summarized the thesis of <a href="Federalist_No._10" title="Federalist No. 10">Federalist No. 10</a>:<a href="#cite_note-15">[15]</a> "Divide et impera, the reprobated axiom of tyranny, is under certain (some) qualifications, the only policy, by which a republic can be administered on just principles."<a href="#cite_note-16">[16]</a><a href="#cite_note-17">[17]</a>

Divide et impera is the third of three political maxims in <a href="Immanuel_Kant" title="Immanuel Kant">Immanuel Kant</a>'s <a href="Perpetual_Peace%3A_A_Philosophical_Sketch" title="Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch">Perpetual Peace</a> (1795), Appendix I, the others being Fac et excusa ("Act now, and make excuses later") and Si fecisti, nega ("If you commit a crime, deny it"):<a href="#cite_note-18">[18]</a> Kant refers this tactic when describing the traits of a "political moralist."<a href="#cite_note-19">[19]</a>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="Politics">Politics</h2></div>

In politics, the concept refers to a strategy that breaks up existing power structures, and especially prevents smaller power groups from linking up, causing rivalries and fomenting discord among the people to prevent a <a href="Rebellion" title="Rebellion">rebellion</a> against the elites or the people implementing the strategy. The goal is either to pit the lower classes against themselves to prevent a <a href="Revolution" title="Revolution">revolution</a>, or to provide a desired solution to the growing discord that strengthens the power of the elites.<a href="#cite_note-Ilia_Xypolia_2016._P._9-20">[20]</a>

The principle "divide et impera" is cited as a common in politics by <a href="Traiano_Boccalini" class="mw-redirect" title="Traiano Boccalini">Traiano Boccalini</a> in La bilancia politica.<a href="#cite_note-21">[21]</a>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Economics">Economics</h3></div>

In economics, the concept is also mentioned as a strategy for <a href="Market_segmentation" title="Market segmentation">market segmentation</a> to get the most out of the players in a competitive market.<a href="#cite_note-22">[22]</a>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="Historical_examples">Historical examples</h2></div>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Mongol_Empire">Mongol Empire</h3></div>

While the <a href="Mongols" title="Mongols">Mongols</a> imported <a href="Islam_in_Central_Asia" title="Islam in Central Asia">Central Asian Muslims</a> to serve as administrators in <a href="China" title="China">China</a>, the Mongols also sent Han Chinese and Khitans from China to serve as administrators over the Muslim population in Bukhara in Central Asia, using foreigners to curtail the power of the local peoples of both lands.<a href="#cite_note-23">[23]</a>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="British_India">British India</h3></div>

Some Indian historians, such as politician <a href="Shashi_Tharoor" title="Shashi Tharoor">Shashi Tharoor</a>, assert that the <a href="British_Raj" title="British Raj">British Raj</a> frequently used this tactic to consolidate their rule and prevent the emergence of the <a href="Indian_independence_movement" title="Indian independence movement">Indian independence movement</a>, citing <a href="Mountstuart_Elphinstone" title="Mountstuart Elphinstone">Lord Elphinstone</a> who said that "Divide et impera was the old Roman maxim, and it should be ours."<a href="#cite_note-24">[24]</a> A Times Literary Supplement review by British historian Jon Wilson suggests that although this was broadly the case a more nuanced approach might be closer to the facts.<a href="#cite_note-25">[25]</a> On the other hand, Proponents of <a href="Hindutva" title="Hindutva">Hindutva</a>, the ideology of the current and recent Indian governments over the years, stress strongly Hindu-Muslim conflict going back centuries before the arrival of the British.

The classic nationalist position was expressed by the Indian jurist and supporter of <a href="Indian_reunification" title="Indian reunification">Indian reunification</a> <a href="Markandey_Katju" title="Markandey Katju">Markandey Katju</a>, who wrote in the Pakistani paper <a href="The_Nation_(Pakistan)" title="The Nation (Pakistan)">The Nation</a> in 2013:<a href="#cite_note-Katju2013-26">[26]</a>

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</style><blockquote class="templatequote"> Up to <a href="Indian_Rebellion_of_1857" title="Indian Rebellion of 1857">1857</a>, there were no communal problems in India; all communal riots and animosity began after 1857. No doubt even before 1857, there were differences between Hindus and Muslims, the Hindus going to temples and the Muslims going to mosques, but there was no animosity. In fact, the Hindus and Muslims used to help each other; Hindus used to participate in <a href="Eid_al-Fitr" title="Eid al-Fitr">Eid</a> celebrations, and Muslims in <a href="Holi" title="Holi">Holi</a> and <a href="Diwali" title="Diwali">Diwali</a>. The Muslim rulers like the <a href="Mughals" class="mw-redirect" title="Mughals">Mughals</a>, <a href="Nawab_of_Awadh" title="Nawab of Awadh">Nawab of Awadh</a> and <a href="Murshidabad" title="Murshidabad">Murshidabad</a>, <a href="Tipu_Sultan" title="Tipu Sultan">Tipu Sultan</a>, etc. were totally secular; they organised <a href="Ramlilas" class="mw-redirect" title="Ramlilas">Ramlilas</a>, participated in Holi, Diwali, etc. <a href="Ghalib" title="Ghalib">Ghalib</a>'s affectionate letters to his Hindu friends like Munshi Shiv Naraln Aram, Har Gopal Tofta, etc. attest to the affection between Hindus and Muslims at that time. In 1857, the ‘<a href="Indian_Rebellion_of_1857" title="Indian Rebellion of 1857">Great Mutiny</a>’ broke out in which the Hindus and Muslims jointly fought against the British. This shocked the British government so much that after suppressing the Mutiny, they decided to start the policy of divide and rule (see online "History in the Service of Imperialism" by B.N. Pande). All communal riots began after 1857, artificially engineered by the British authorities. The British collector would secretly call the Hindu <a href="Pandit" title="Pandit">Pandit</a>, pay him money, and tell him to speak against Muslims, and similarly he would secretly call the <a href="Maulvi" class="mw-redirect" title="Maulvi">Maulvi</a>, pay him money, and tell him to speak against Hindus. This communal poison was injected into our body politic year after year and decade after decade.<a href="#cite_note-Katju2013-26">[26]</a></blockquote>

Historian <a href="John_Keay" title="John Keay">John Keay</a> takes a contrary position regarding British policy, writing:

<blockquote class="templatequote">Stock accusations of a wider Machiavellian intent to 'divide and rule' and to 'stir up Hindu-Muslim animosity' assume some premonition of a later partition. They make little sense in the contemporary context. 'Divide and rule' as a governing precept supposes the pre-existence of an integrated entity. In an India politically united only by British rule – and not yet even by the opposition which it generated – such a thing did not exist. Division was a fact of life. As <a href="Maulana_Muhammad_Ali" class="mw-redirect" title="Maulana Muhammad Ali">Maulana Muhammad Ali</a> would later put it, 'we divide and you rule'. Without recognising, exploring and accommodating such division, British dominion in India would have been impossible to establish, let alone sustain. Provoking sectarian conflict, on the other hand, was rarely in British interest.<a href="#cite_note-27">[27]</a></blockquote>

<a href="Srinivas_Kumar_Sinha" title="Srinivas Kumar Sinha">General S.K. Sinha</a>, former Vice-Chief of Army Staff, writes that contrary to what the notion of divide and rule would predict, the <a href="British_Indian_Army" title="British Indian Army">British Indian Army</a> was effectively integrated:

<blockquote class="templatequote">The undivided army was a unique institution set up by the British in India... [A]ll combat units, except <a href="Gurkha" title="Gurkha">Gorkhas</a> and <a href="The_Garhwal_Rifles" class="mw-redirect" title="The Garhwal Rifles">Garhwalis</a>, had a mixed combination of Muslims and non-Muslims. They fought wars together and lived as friendly comrades in peace, owing loyalty to their regiments. Political developments with the emergency of the Congress and the Muslim League did not affect them. The Indian Army was totally apolitical till June 3rd 1947... In fact, during the Partition holocaust and till that date, both Muslim and non-Muslim soldiers remained totally impartial in dealing with communal violence. After June 3, 1947 things started changing.<a href="#cite_note-28">[28]</a></blockquote>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="French_Algeria">French Algeria</h3></div>

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</style><div role="note" class="hatnote navigation-not-searchable dablink excerpt-hat selfref">This section is an excerpt from <a href="Kabyle_myth" title="Kabyle myth">Kabyle myth</a>.[<a class="external text external" href="https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Kabyle_myth&action=edit">edit</a>]</div><div class="excerpt">

The <a href="Kabyle_myth" title="Kabyle myth">Kabyle myth</a> is a colonial trope that was propagated by French colonists in <a href="French_Algeria" title="French Algeria">French Algeria</a> based on a supposed binary between the <a href="Arabs" title="Arabs">Arab</a> and <a href="Kabyle_people" title="Kabyle people">Kabyle</a> peoples, consisting of a set of stereotypes of supposed differences between them.<a href="#cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:1-29">[29]</a><a href="#cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:0-30">[30]</a><a href="#cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:3-31">[31]</a>

The myth emerged in the 19th century with <a href="French_conquest_of_Algeria" title="French conquest of Algeria">French colonialism</a> in Algeria, positing that the Kabyle people were more predisposed than Arabs to assimilate into "French civilization".<a href="#cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:0-30">[30]</a><a href="#cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:2-32">[32]</a></div></div>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Ottoman_Empire">Ottoman Empire</h3></div>

The Ottoman Empire often used a divide-and-rule strategy, pitting <a href="Armenians" title="Armenians">Armenians</a> and <a href="Kurds" title="Kurds">Kurds</a> against each other.<a href="#cite_note-33">[33]</a>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Europe">Europe</h3></div>

<ul><li><a href="Classical_Athens" title="Classical Athens">Athenian</a> historian <a href="Thucydides" title="Thucydides">Thucydides</a> in his book <a href="History_of_the_Peloponnesian_War" title="History of the Peloponnesian War">History of the Peloponnesian War</a> claimed that <a href="Alcibiades" title="Alcibiades">Alcibiades</a> recommended to <a href="Achaemenid_Empire" title="Achaemenid Empire">Persian</a> statesman Tissaphernes, to weaken both Athens and Sparta for his own Persian's benefit. Alcibiades, suggested to Tissaphernes that 'The cheapest plan was to let the Hellenes wear each other out, at a small share of the expense and without risk to himself.<a href="#cite_note-34">[34]</a></li>

<li>During the <a href="Gallic_Wars" title="Gallic Wars">Gallic Wars</a>, <a href="Julius_Caesar" title="Julius Caesar">Caesar</a> was able to use a divide and conquer strategy to easily defeat the <a href="Gauls" title="Gauls">Gauls</a>, exploiting their fractious nature of their tribal society. Although the remaining Gauls were later united under <a href="Vercingetorix" title="Vercingetorix">Vercingetorix</a> their resistance was not enough to stop the conquest.<a href="#cite_note-EB_The_Roman_Conquest-35">[35]</a><a href="#cite_note-The_first_triumvirate_and_the_conquest_of_Gaul-36">[36]</a></li>

<li>Tacitus in Germania. chapter 33 writes "May the tribes, I pray, ever retain if not love for us, at least hatred for each other; for while the destinies of empire hurry us on, fortune can give no greater boon than discord among our foes."<a href="#cite_note-37">[37]</a><a href="#cite_note-38">[38]</a></li>

<li>In <a href="Revolutions_of_1848" title="Revolutions of 1848">Revolutions of 1848</a>, the governments which were being revolted against used this tactic to counter the rebels.<a href="#cite_note-39">[39]</a><a href="#cite_note-40">[40]</a></li>

<li>The colonial authorities in <a href="British_Cyprus" title="British Cyprus">British Cyprus</a> often stirred up the <a href="Turkish_Cypriots" title="Turkish Cypriots">Turkish minority</a> in order to neutralize agitation from the <a href="Greek_Cypriots" title="Greek Cypriots">Greek majority</a>.<a href="#cite_note-41">[41]</a><a href="#cite_note-42">[42]</a> This policy intentionally cultivated further animosity between the already divided Greek majority and the Turkish minority (which consists of 18% of the population) in the island that remains <a href="Cyprus_dispute" class="mw-redirect" title="Cyprus dispute">divided to this day</a> after an invasion by <a href="Turkey" title="Turkey">Turkey</a> to establish the state of <a href="North_Cyprus" class="mw-redirect" title="North Cyprus">North Cyprus</a> (which is only <a href="Diplomatic_recognition" title="Diplomatic recognition">diplomatically recognized</a> by Turkey).<a href="#cite_note-43">[43]</a></li>

<li>The <a href="Partition_of_Ireland" title="Partition of Ireland">partition of Ireland in 1921</a> has been claimed as an intentional implementation of this strategy by <a href="David_Lloyd_George" title="David Lloyd George">David Lloyd George</a>, although the religious divisions in Ireland were notorious and of long standing.<a href="#cite_note-44">[44]</a> The <a href="Stanford_University" title="Stanford University">Stanford</a> historian <a href="Priya_Satia" title="Priya Satia">Priya Satia</a> claims that the partition of Ireland was in ways a patch-test for the <a href="Partition_of_India" title="Partition of India">partition of India in 1947</a>.<a href="#cite_note-45">[45]</a></li></ul>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Colonialism">Colonialism</h3></div>

According to Richard Morrock, four tactics of divide and rule practiced by Western colonialists are:<a href="#cite_note-46">[46]</a>

<ol><li>The manufacture of differences within the targeted population;</li>

<li>The amplification of existing differences;</li>

<li>The use of these differences for the benefit of the colonial empire; and</li>

<li>The carry over of these differences into the post-colonial period.</li></ol>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="Foreign_policy">Foreign policy</h2></div>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="United_States">United States</h3></div>

Some analysts assert that the <a href="United_States" title="United States">United States</a> is practicing the strategy in the 21st-century Middle East through their supposed escalation of the <a href="Shia%E2%80%93Sunni_relations" title="Shia–Sunni relations">Sunni–Shia conflict</a>. British journalist <a href="Nafeez_Ahmed" title="Nafeez Ahmed">Nafeez Ahmed</a> cited a 2008 <a href="RAND_Corporation" title="RAND Corporation">RAND Corporation</a> study for the <a href="United_States_Armed_Forces" title="United States Armed Forces">U.S Armed Forces</a> which recommended "divide and rule" as a possible strategy against the <a href="Arab_world" title="Arab world">Muslim world</a> in <a href="War_on_Terror" class="mw-redirect" title="War on Terror">"the Long War"</a>.<a href="#cite_note-47">[47]</a> The <a href="Culture_war" title="Culture war">culture war</a> that U.S. politicians speak of is also used as an example of the politicians using the strategy against American citizens.

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Israel">Israel</h3></div>

<div role="note" class="hatnote navigation-not-searchable">Main article: <a href="Israeli_support_for_Hamas" title="Israeli support for Hamas">Israeli support for Hamas</a></div>

Professor <a href="Avner_Cohen" title="Avner Cohen">Avner Cohen</a>, a former Israeli religious affairs official, publicly acknowledged that Hamas was "Israel's creation."<a href="#cite_note-48">[48]</a> Similar statements have been made by <a href="Yasser_Arafat" title="Yasser Arafat">Yasser Arafat</a>.<a href="#cite_note-49">[49]</a>

Assertions of Israeli support for Hamas date back to the late 1970s and early 1980s, a period marked by significant political upheaval in the Middle East. Former Israeli officials have openly acknowledged Israel's role in providing funding and assistance to Hamas as a means of undermining secular Palestinian factions such as the <a href="Palestine_Liberation_Organization" title="Palestine Liberation Organization">Palestine Liberation Organization</a> (PLO). Brigadier General Yitzhak Segev, who served as the Israeli military governor in Gaza during the early 1980s, admitted to providing financial assistance to the <a href="Muslim_Brotherhood" title="Muslim Brotherhood">Muslim Brotherhood</a>, the precursor of Hamas, on the instruction of the Israeli authorities. The aim of the support was to weaken leftist and secular Palestinian organizations.<a href="#cite_note-blowback-50">[50]</a>

Israel contributed to the construction of parts of Islamist politician <a href="Ahmed_Yassin" title="Ahmed Yassin">Ahmed Yassin</a>'s network of mosques, clubs, and schools in Gaza, as well as the expansion of these institutions.<a href="#cite_note-blowback-50">[50]</a>

Shlomo Brom, retired general and former deputy to Israel's national security adviser, believes that an empowered Hamas helps Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu avoid negotiatings over a Palestinian state, suggesting that there is no viable partner for peace talks.<a href="#cite_note-nyt-51">[51]</a> <a href="Bezalel_Smotrich" title="Bezalel Smotrich">Bezalel Smotrich</a>, a far-right lawmaker and finance minister under Netanyahu Government, called the Palestinian Authority a "burden" and Hamas an "asset".<a href="#cite_note-52">[52]</a>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading3"><h3 id="Russia">Russia</h3></div>

Some consider that contemporary <a href="Russia" title="Russia">Russian</a> affairs also have characteristics of a "divide and rule" strategy. Applied domestically to secure <a href="Vladimir_Putin" title="Vladimir Putin">Vladimir Putin's</a> power in Russia,<a href="#cite_note-53">[53]</a> it is used abroad in <a href="Russian_disinformation" title="Russian disinformation">Russian disinformation</a> campaigns to achieve "regime security, predominance in Russia’s near abroad, and world-power status for Russia".<a href="#cite_note-54">[54]</a>

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<div class="side-box-text plainlist">Look up <a href="https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/divide_and_conquer" class="extiw external" title="wiktionary:divide and conquer">divide and conquer</a> in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.</div></div>

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<ul><li><a href="Soft_power" title="Soft power">Soft power</a></li>

<li><a href="Hard_power" title="Hard power">Hard power</a></li>

<li><a href="International_relations" title="International relations">International relations</a></li>

<li><a href="Political_realism" class="mw-redirect" title="Political realism">Political realism</a></li>

<li><a href="False_flag" title="False flag">False flag</a></li>

<li><a href="Destabilisation" title="Destabilisation">Destabilisation</a></li>

<li><a href="Identity_politics" title="Identity politics">Identity politics</a></li>

<li><a href="Black_propaganda" title="Black propaganda">Black propaganda</a></li>

<li><a href="Might_makes_right" title="Might makes right">Might makes right</a></li></ul>

<div class="mw-heading mw-heading2"><h2 id="References">References</h2></div>

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</style><cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/divide%20and%20conquer">"Definition of DIVIDE AND CONQUER"</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-EW-2">^ <a href="#cite_ref-EW_2-0">a</a> <a href="#cite_ref-EW_2-1">b</a> <a href="#cite_ref-EW_2-2">c</a> <cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.dictionary.com/browse/divide-and-conquer">"Dictionary.com | Meanings & Definitions of English Words"</a>. Dictionary.com.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-3"><a href="#cite_ref-3">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFPosnerSpierVermeule2010" class="citation journal cs1">Posner, Eric A.; Spier, Kathryn E.; Vermeule, Adrian (2010). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fjla%2F2.2.417">"Divide and Conquer"</a>. Journal of Legal Analysis. 2 (2): 417–471. <a href="Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1093%2Fjla%2F2.2.417">10.1093/jla/2.2.417</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-6"><a href="#cite_ref-6">^</a> <cite class="citation book cs1">"Divide and rule". <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/acref/9780191828836.001.0001/acref-9780191828836-e-104">A Dictionary of African Politics</a>. Oxford University Press. 24 January 2019. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-0-19-182883-6</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-8"><a href="#cite_ref-8">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFWhiting1977" class="citation book cs1">Whiting, Bartlett Jere (1977). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=EuvqPkAq2bkC&pg=PA112">Early American Proverbs and Proverbial Phrases</a>. Harvard University Press. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-0-674-21981-6</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-9"><a href="#cite_ref-9">^</a> <cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/divide-and-conquer">"Divide and conquer"</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-10"><a href="#cite_ref-10">^</a> <cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://dictionary.cambridge.org/dictionary/english/divide-and-rule">"Divide and rule"</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-11"><a href="#cite_ref-11">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFStrauss2012" class="citation book cs1">Strauss, Emanuel (12 November 2012). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=rT5PEAAAQBAJ">Dictionary of European Proverbs</a>. Routledge. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-1-134-86461-4</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-12"><a href="#cite_ref-12">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFCoke2003" class="citation book cs1">Coke, Sir Edward (2003). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=K2pOAAAAYAAJ&q=Divide+and+rule,+has+been+rejected,+since+the+root+and+the+summit+of+authority+are+confirmed+by+the+consent+of+the+subjects.%22">The Selected Writings and Speeches of Sir Edward Coke</a>. Liberty Fund. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-0-86597-313-8</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-13"><a href="#cite_ref-13">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFGreene2022" class="citation book cs1">Greene, Jack P. (29 May 2022). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=1cRwEAAAQBAJ&dq=Divide+and+rule%2C+has+been+rejected%2C+since+the+root+and+the+summit+of+authority+are+confirmed+by+the+consent+of+the+subjects.%22&pg=PA213">The American Colonies and the British Empire, 1607-1783, Part II</a>. Taylor & Francis. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-1-000-17333-8</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-15"><a href="#cite_ref-15">^</a> <cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://www.constitution.org/fed/federa10.htm">"The Federalist #10"</a>. constitution.org.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-16"><a href="#cite_ref-16">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFHolton2008" class="citation book cs1">Holton, Woody (14 October 2008). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=9nd2vRt1JGMC&dq=the%20reprobated%20axiom%20of%20tyranny&pg=PA207">Unruly Americans and the Origins of the Constitution</a>. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-1-4299-2366-8</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-17"><a href="#cite_ref-17">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFHolton2005" class="citation journal cs1">Holton, Woody (2005). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.2307/3491599">""Divide et Impera": "Federalist 10" in a Wider Sphere"</a>. The William and Mary Quarterly. 62 (2): 175–212. <a href="Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.2307%2F3491599">10.2307/3491599</a>. <a href="JSTOR_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="JSTOR (identifier)">JSTOR</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/3491599">3491599</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-18"><a href="#cite_ref-18">^</a> <cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/latta-perpetual-peace-a-philosophical-essay-1917-ed">"Immanuel Kant: Perpetual Peace: Appendix I"</a>. Online Library of Liberty. <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20201218192525/https://oll.libertyfund.org/title/latta-perpetual-peace-a-philosophical-essay-1917-ed">Archived</a> from the original on 18 December 2020. Retrieved 11 October 2021.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-19"><a href="#cite_ref-19">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFKant1991" class="citation book cs1">Kant, Immanuel (1991). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xMB7BsT_w4gC&dq=kant%20%22Si%20fecisti%2C%20nega%22&pg=PA120">Political Writings</a>. Cambridge University Press. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-0-521-39837-4</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-Ilia_Xypolia_2016._P._9-20"><a href="#cite_ref-Ilia_Xypolia_2016._P._9_20-0">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFXypolia2016" class="citation journal cs1">Xypolia, Ilia (2016). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://aura.abdn.ac.uk/bitstream/handle/2164/9956/Xypolia_Divide_et_Impera_Vertical_and_Horizontal_imperialism.pdf">"Divide et Impera: Vertical and Horizontal Dimensions of British Imperialism"</a> (PDF). Critique: Journal of Socialist Theory. 44 (3): 221–231. <a href="Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1080%2F03017605.2016.1199629">10.1080/03017605.2016.1199629</a>. <a href="Hdl_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Hdl (identifier)">hdl</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://hdl.handle.net/2164%2F9956">2164/9956</a>. <a href="S2CID_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="S2CID (identifier)">S2CID</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:148118309">148118309</a>.</cite> p. 221.

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<li id="cite_note-22"><a href="#cite_ref-22">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFWebber1998" class="citation book cs1">Webber, Harry (19 June 1998). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=6DtxbznhRYsC">Divide and Conquer: Target Your Customers Through Market Segmentation</a>. John Wiley & Sons. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-0-471-17633-6</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-24"><a href="#cite_ref-24">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFTharoor2017" class="citation book cs1">Tharoor, Shashi (2017). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=atcqMQAACAAJ">Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India</a>. Hurst. p. 101. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-1-84904-808-8</bdi>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-25"><a href="#cite_ref-25">^</a> Wilson, Jon, 2016, <a href="India_Conquered" title="India Conquered">India Conquered: Britain's Raj and the chaos of empire</a>, cited in a review of Tharoor's work by Elizabeth Buettner in "Debt of Honour: why the European impact on India must be fully acknowledged", Times Literary Supplement, 11 August 2017, pages 13-14.

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<li id="cite_note-Katju2013-26">^ <a href="#cite_ref-Katju2013_26-0">a</a> <a href="#cite_ref-Katju2013_26-1">b</a> <cite id="CITEREFMarkandey_Katju2013" class="citation web cs1"><a href="Markandey_Katju" title="Markandey Katju">Markandey Katju</a> (2 March 2013). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.nation.com.pk/02-Mar-2013/the-truth-about-pakistan">"The truth about Pakistan"</a>. <a href="The_Nation_(Pakistan)" title="The Nation (Pakistan)">The Nation</a>. <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://web.archive.org/web/20131110103720/http://www.nation.com.pk/pakistan-news-newspaper-daily-english-online/columns/02-Mar-2013/the-truth-about-pakistan">Archived</a> from the original on 10 November 2013. Retrieved 29 January 2019.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-27"><a href="#cite_ref-27">^</a> History of India, John Keay, pp. 464, 2010

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<li id="cite_note-28"><a href="#cite_ref-28">^</a> The Partition of Soldiers, General S.K. Sinha, The Asian Age, 2015, <a rel="nofollow" class="external autonumber" href="https://www.pressreader.com/india/the-asian-age/20150129/281943131290027">[1]</a>

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<li id="cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:1-29"><a href="#cite_ref-Kabyle_myth_:1_29-0">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFTilmatine2016" class="citation journal cs1">Tilmatine, Mohand (1 January 2016). "French and Spanish colonial policy in North Africa: revisiting the Kabyle and Berber myth". International Journal of the Sociology of Language. 2016 (239). <a href="Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1515%2Fijsl-2016-0006">10.1515/ijsl-2016-0006</a>. <a href="ISSN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISSN (identifier)">ISSN</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://search.worldcat.org/issn/0165-2516">0165-2516</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:0-30">^ <a href="#cite_ref-Kabyle_myth_:0_30-0">a</a> <a href="#cite_ref-Kabyle_myth_:0_30-1">b</a> <cite id="CITEREFBurke2007" class="citation journal cs1">Burke, Edmund (December 2007). "France and the Classical Sociology of Islam, 1798–1962". The Journal of North African Studies. 12 (4): 551–561. <a href="Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1080%2F13629380701633414">10.1080/13629380701633414</a>. <a href="ISSN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISSN (identifier)">ISSN</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://search.worldcat.org/issn/1362-9387">1362-9387</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:3-31"><a href="#cite_ref-Kabyle_myth_:3_31-0">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFSilverstein2002" class="citation cs2">Silverstein, Paul A. (2002), <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://read.dukeupress.edu/books/book/687/chapter/132724/The-Kabyle-MythColonization-and-the-Production-of">"The Kabyle Myth: Colonization and the Production of Ethnicity"</a>, From the Margins, Duke University Press, pp. 122–155, <a href="Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1215%2F9780822383345-005">10.1215/9780822383345-005</a>, <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-0-8223-2861-2</bdi>, retrieved 30 August 2022</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-Kabyle_myth_:2-32"><a href="#cite_ref-Kabyle_myth_:2_32-0">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFBurke" class="citation book cs1">Burke, Edmund III. The ethnographic state: France and the invention of Moroccan Islam. p. 33. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>978-0-520-95799-2</bdi>. <a href="OCLC_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="OCLC (identifier)">OCLC</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://search.worldcat.org/oclc/906782010">906782010</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-33"><a href="#cite_ref-33">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFCheterian2016" class="citation journal cs1">Cheterian, Vicken (2016). "Denial of violence. Ottoman past, Turkish present, and collective violence against the Armenians 1789–2009, Fatma Müge Göçek, New York, Oxford University Press, 2014, pp. 656, US$78.00 (hardback), HC 978-0199334209". Nationalities Papers. 44 (4): 652–654. <a href="Doi_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="Doi (identifier)">doi</a>:<a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://doi.org/10.1080%2F00905992.2016.1158006">10.1080/00905992.2016.1158006</a>. <a href="S2CID_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="S2CID (identifier)">S2CID</a> <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://api.semanticscholar.org/CorpusID:156252380">156252380</a>. <q>Yet, irony of history, instead of chasing the Armenians from the eastern provinces to make a new home for the Balkan Muslim refugees, they practically eliminated Armenians and consolidated an ethnic Kurdish presence in eastern Anatolia. Having lost the capacity to practice imperial policies of "divide and rule", today Turkey finds itself face-to-face with Kurdish nationalism.</q></cite>

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<li id="cite_note-34"><a href="#cite_ref-34">^</a> Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, 8.46.2

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<li id="cite_note-EB_The_Roman_Conquest-35"><a href="#cite_ref-EB_The_Roman_Conquest_35-0">^</a> <cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://global.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/215768/France/41196/The-press">"France: The Roman conquest"</a>. <a href="Encyclop%C3%A6dia_Britannica" title="Encyclopædia Britannica">Encyclopædia Britannica</a>. Retrieved 6 April 2015. <q>Because of chronic internal rivalries, Gallic resistance was easily broken, though Vercingetorix's Great Rebellion of 52 bce had notable successes.</q></cite>

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<li id="cite_note-The_first_triumvirate_and_the_conquest_of_Gaul-36"><a href="#cite_ref-The_first_triumvirate_and_the_conquest_of_Gaul_36-0">^</a> <cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="http://global.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/88114/Julius-Caesar/9735/The-first-triumvirate-and-the-conquest-of-Gaul">"Julius Caesar: The first triumvirate and the conquest of Gaul"</a>. <a href="Encyclop%C3%A6dia_Britannica" title="Encyclopædia Britannica">Encyclopædia Britannica</a>. Retrieved 15 February 2015. <q>Indeed, the Gallic cavalry was probably superior to the Roman, horseman for horseman. Rome's military superiority lay in its mastery of strategy, tactics, discipline, and military engineering. In Gaul, Rome also had the advantage of being able to deal separately with dozens of relatively small, independent, and uncooperative states. Caesar conquered these piecemeal, and the concerted attempt made by a number of them in 52 bce to shake off the Roman yoke came too late.</q></cite>

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<li id="cite_note-37"><a href="#cite_ref-37">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFTacitus1877" class="citation web cs1">Tacitus, Cornelius (1877). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=qxcMAAAAYAAJ&dq=%22I%20pray%2C%20ever%20retain%20if%20not%20love%20for%20us%22&pg=PA112">"The Agricola and Germany of Tacitus: And the Dialogue on Oratory"</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-38"><a href="#cite_ref-38">^</a> <cite class="citation web cs1"><a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.02.0083%3Achapter%3D33">"Cornelius Tacitus, Germany and its Tribes, chapter 33"</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-39"><a href="#cite_ref-39">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFEdmund_Maurice2019" class="citation web cs1">Edmund Maurice, C. (11 December 2019). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=RSHEDwAAQBAJ&q=divide+et+impera">"The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Germany: With Some Examination of the Previous Thirty-three Years"</a>.</cite>

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<li id="cite_note-40"><a href="#cite_ref-40">^</a> <cite id="CITEREFMagocsi2010" class="citation book cs1">Magocsi, Paul Robert (18 June 2010). <a rel="nofollow" class="external text" href="https://books.google.com/books?id=Z0mKRsElYNkC&q=1848+%22divide+et+impera%22&pg=PA435">A History of Ukraine: The Land and Its Peoples, Second Edition</a>. University of Toronto Press. <a href="ISBN_(identifier)" class="mw-redirect" title="ISBN (identifier)">ISBN</a> <bdi>9781442698796</bdi>.</cite>

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